Poland is quietly going bankrupt. How are the elites profiting from an artificial crisis? Prof. Mariusz Miąsko

The strategy is to move from ad-hoc interventions (like the ViaToll victory) to a systemic operation: 200 lawyers drafting legislation full-time, hundreds of trained experts sitting in every subcommittee, and eventually fielding candidates for higher office. Miąsko calls it a 'government of entrepreneurs' built on meritocracy. He urges people to join not based on political affiliation but on a shared commitment to dignity and freedom, emphasizing that the associations are 'politically ecumenical.' The immediate goal is to aggregate the collective wisdom of members and convert it into legal and political action.

He advocates that Poland should not only allow but encourage firearm ownership. He explains that Ukraine’s inability to stop lightly armed Russian units in the first days stemmed partly from a disarmed populace. In Poland, the current sport shooting community (~400,000) already holds a deeply patriotic identity and is eager to teach new generations. By expanding this base, the country builds a decentralized defense network and a citizenry mentally immune to defeatism. He ties this to the concept of being a 'pastoral dog' rather than a sheep or wolf.

He repeatedly emphasizes that this is not theoretical. His own experience with the 'Najlepsza Droga' association proved that sustained legal and media pressure can force systemic change (cancelling illegal viaTOLL fines). He now scales this by building a permanent army of lawyers and experts who will dominate these processes, effectively creating a shadow legislative corps. He urges regular citizens not to underestimate their power and to learn these mechanisms.

He and his team are building this system as a 'gift to the nation.' He acknowledges the complexity and cost (100 million zł) and notes politicians' lack of enthusiasm because it would curb their ability to exploit loopholes. However, the societal pain caused by unpredictable law—entrepreneurs losing fortunes, drivers being unfairly fined—is so immense that he is determined to complete it regardless of political support.

He formalized the proposal and sent it to the Prime Minister and Minister of Defense over 1.5 years ago but received no substantive reply. He calculates that to hold a long front like Poland’s, at least 10% of the population (~4 million) must be trained; current trained personnel are around 200,000. The proposed system would be far cheaper and more socially acceptable than a draft. He ties the failure to the fact that the defense minister is a pediatrician, lacking military understanding.

He repeatedly returns to this as the deepest layer. The mileage affair shows that even when laws are clear, without an internal prohibition ('thou shalt not steal'), politicians rationalize theft. He contrasts the Warsaw Uprising generation’s sacrifice with today’s leaders who fear losing a few polling points. He calls for elites to stop trading freedom for comfort and to see their education and position as a mandate to serve, not to exploit. The concept of a 'truly educated person' (człowiek wykształcony) is one who feels obligations to others, unlike a mere 'wykształciuch.'

Miąsko defines meritocracy by contrasting it with democracy, which he describes as a popularity contest. He recounts the story of an ancient Chinese emperor who introduced rigorous state exams to prevent incompetent nobles from holding office, a system China still follows. He then gives the airplane analogy: no passenger would accept a charismatic but untrained person as captain, yet society allows the same in government. For him, competence means either a directly relevant higher education degree or a 10-year proven track record of successful enterprise management. He and his team are developing a framework of tests and manuals to train their own experts within the 'My Przedsiębiorcy' association, who will sit in legislative subcommittee meetings as a social factor, effectively building a parallel merit-based government. He believes this will gradually replace current politicians. The ultimate goal is to create a 'government of entrepreneurs' that operates on merit, not party lines.

Miąsko explains that as a representative of an association, an ordinary citizen can walk into the Sejm, attend a subcommittee meeting, and submit an amendment that will be formally debated and voted on. He says such amendments are almost always accepted because it is politically difficult for the chairman to oppose a social voice. He contrasts this with the current situation: no citizens fill the parliamentary galleries or subcommittee rooms. To exploit this systematically, 'My Przedsiębiorcy' aims to recruit 200 lawyers working full-time drafting bills, petitions, and amendments, and to train hundreds of experts who will permanently monitor and influence the legislative process. This is presented as a peaceful, system-legal transformation from within.

Miąsko argues that the current legal system is fundamentally broken because it allows a glass to be called a bottle by an official, contradicting the social contract. He and his team have been working for 16 years on a deterministic system of legal exegesis and semantic representation. The goal is that a given provision will yield exactly one outcome today, tomorrow, and in 10 years, unless the law is explicitly changed. He admits the project needs 100 million zł and may not be completed in his lifetime. Politicians are said to be unenthusiastic because a clear system would prevent them from exploiting legal ambiguity for personal gain (e.g., the recent MPs' mileage allowances scandal). The system is being built out of a sense of duty to restore human dignity to those crushed by arbitrary rulings.

He details the implications: a full-scale war could last years, and without sufficient trained personnel, the front cannot be maintained. The Ukrainian example demonstrates that without massive external support, the country would have collapsed. His proposal involved building over 1,000 shooting ranges so that people could train after work without being conscripted, keeping them near their families and jobs. He repeatedly asked the Prime Minister’s office and the Defense Ministry for a response but received none, which he interprets as a lack of understanding and care. He contrasts this with his own proactive stance: he has three offensive-packed backpacks ready and would head east, criticizing the vice-premier who spoke of having an evacuation backpack.

He points to the mileage allowance scandal, where MPs from all sides helped themselves to public money despite already receiving free cars and transport. He contrasts this with the sacrifices of the Warsaw Uprising and says politicians have stolen their own human dignity. The problem, he says, is not specific policies but a void where conscience and compassion should be: they do not think about the hungry children in Gaza, the bankrupt entrepreneur's employees, or the country's future. He frames it as 'pastoral dogs, sheep, and wolves' – many politicians start as sheep but become wolves, breaking the commandment 'thou shalt not steal' in spirit if not always in letter. This spiritual decay, he argues, is exacerbated by erasing religion from public life, which removes culturally embedded ethical guardrails. The solution is not just legal reform but a revival of a sense of duty, love for one’s children, and a willingness to sacrifice for the common good.