Exposing the U.S. Food Industry: These Ingredients Are ILLEGAL Almost Everywhere Else

Hyman argues that the food industry engineers products to hijack satiety signals by combining chemicals like free glutamic acid and salt, creating an irresistible 'flavor memory.' He contrasts this with whole foods that naturally regulate appetite. By making label literacy a daily habit, consumers can collectively force companies to reformulate, as seen when European warning labels prompted removal of artificial dyes. Hyman emphasizes that this simple practice, if widely adopted, would be more powerful than lobbying because it directly hits corporate bottom lines.

Hyman explains that these oils constitute 60% of American caloric intake and are a primary driver of omega-3 deficiency. He notes that the FDA does not monitor residual hexane levels, and the oils are effectively rancid by the time they reach consumers. By switching to traditional fats, people simultaneously avoid GMOs, chemical residues, and inflammatory fatty acids. He adds that he has written cookbooks detailing how to use these healthier fats.

Hyman recounts going to HHS in 2014 with Robert F. Kennedy Jr. to ask why mercury-containing preservative (thimerosal) was still used in multi-dose flu vaccines when single-dose alternatives existed. He says agency officials could not offer a valid reason, and none would say they would inject it into their own children. He emphasizes that while the FDA has removed thimerosal from most childhood vaccines, multi-dose flu shots still contain it, and the precautionary principle dictates avoiding unnecessary neurotoxic exposures.

Hyman argues that front-of-package labeling is the 'most powerful lever' because it creates a direct feedback loop: when Europe introduced labels warning that dyes 'may cause adverse effects on activity and attention in children,' companies quickly reformulated. He envisions a similar system in the U.S. that would spur innovation and force industry to replace synthetic dyes with plant-based alternatives like carrot or blueberry juice, as done in other countries. He acknowledges that industry will fight this but believes it is politically achievable now with the new administration.

Hyman highlights that 23-plus states have introduced or enacted laws targeting artificial dyes, warning labels, and SNAP junk-food purchases. He specifically points to the Texas bill he is testifying for, which would mandate European food-safety standards in school lunches. He frames this as a historic moment where grassroots activism is intersecting with receptive legislators. He also notes that even at the local school level, parents can demand that schools stop serving Kellogg's products, as schools are a major revenue source for the company.

Hyman details the Texas Senate Health and Human Services bill that would mandate removal of harmful chemicals from school lunches and align with European safety standards. He describes reading the bill and feeling as if it was lifted directly from his own book, Food Fix. He sees this as proof that years of advocacy are finally bearing fruit at the state level, with legislators from both parties embracing the cause. He emphasizes that this local approach can force change even if Washington remains captured by industry interests.

Hyman explains that the WHO report, expected later this year, will document how transnational food, chemical, and pharmaceutical companies externalize health costs while privatizing profits—essentially socializing the burden of disease. He frames this as the modern version of what Upton Sinclair exposed in the early 1900s meatpacking industry. He notes that the concept forces policymakers to recognize that industry tactics, from lobbying to front groups, are engineered to undermine regulation, and that public health must fight back by reforming the systems that allow these practices.

Hyman explains that when he and Vani Hari began successfully driving corporate reform, a coordinated campaign of character assassination emerged, funded primarily through Monsanto. The American Council on Science and Health was a key vehicle, deploying credentialed experts to label activists as 'fearmongers' and 'pseudoscientific.' Hyman notes that the organization's doctors have been convicted for Medicare fraud, and its funding sources include petroleum and tobacco industries. He connects this to a broader pattern of front groups like the Center for Consumer Freedom, which once claimed the obesity epidemic is a hoax.

Hyman explains that he consulted food scientists at Cornell University after being shocked to learn that mono- and diglycerides, while legally not needing to be labeled as trans fats, still contain trans fatty acids. This chemical is now ubiquitous in grocery-store breads, crackers, and fast food. He connects this to the broader GRAS loophole, noting that the food industry systematically outpaces regulation, introducing new chemicals faster than agencies can review them.